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historic when we accomplish it. that is to start the work on a u.s. e.u. trans-atlantic trade that investment or airship to grow prosperity on both sides of the atlantic. it is no secret that we both faced economic challenges. we all do in this new marketplace, and a global challenge the marketplace. the fact is that europe freestanding aloud is the largest economy in the world and when you join that together with the united states of america, we have a powerful ability to be able to affect the rules of the road and to be able to raise standards and most importantly create jobs for all of our people. europe is already america's largest trading partner. a disagreement will create more jobs for additional investment and nasty note earlier this month, president obama made it clear this is a top priority for the united states. we also discussed the responsibility that we share to support fragile democracies across the world, across the monograph from libya to tunisia and beyond. i say to our friends here in the united kingdom, it is in our mutual interest to see that these fledgli
that perhaps is even more fundamentally dangerous for britain and much of the rest of europe than taming the e.u.'s superstate tendencies. this is the problem of attitudes and how the institutional expression in the economy. because as i illustrate in "becoming europe" the prevailing conviction across most of europe is that the state is the primary way in which we address common problems and meet our responsibilities and obligations to our fellow citizens. that such obligations might be realized outside the realm of politics doesn't apparently occurred to large numbers of european political leaders including i have to say a considerable number of the center-right european politicians. so in this regard i have often wondered what -- would think if he read a particularly important book that was written 180 years ago by one of his compatriots. because although it's about the new world, democracy in america was sent written for an american audience. alexis de tocqueville's intended audience was europe. so i think you would be astonished to learn how the americans observed by de tocqueville dealt with p
dangerous for britain and much of the rest of the euro in the eu superstate tendencies. and this is a problem of values, attitudes, and how these are given in institutional expression in the economy. as i illustrate in becoming europe, the prevailing conviction across most of your is that the state is the primary way in which we address : problems and meet our responsibilities and obligations to our fellow citizens. such obligations might be realized outside the realm of politics and that does not apparently occurred to large numbers of european political leaders, including, i have to say, a considerable numbers of center-right european politicians so in this regard have often wondered what a confirmed man would think if you read a particularly important book that was written 180 years ago by one of his compatriots. because although it is about the new world, democracy in america was not written for an american audience. the intended audience was your. i suspect he would be astonished to learn how the americans built with problems that were beyond an individual's capaci
Search Results 0 to 2 of about 3

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